「身為原民,也身為青年,為何我主張罷免不適任立委?」中英雙語聲明
翻譯協助|校對:Mapacidal、Tēnn Gî-ûn
大家好!我是嚴毅昇,阿美族名CIDAL。
曾經在原住民族相關的社會永續、文化心理健康計畫擔任助理、原住民族電視台擔任節目腳本企劃。
也是一位寫作者、阿美族語學習者、原住民文學讀者、原青團體成員。
出版過一本詩集《在我身體裡的那座山Talatokosay A Kapah》和幾本合著。
無正職的這幾個月,我都在忙錄準備演講、文學營及撰寫創作計畫的稿件、邀稿和相關閱讀,同時也持續在觀察臺灣社會現況。
關於「身為原民,也身為青年,為何我主張罷免不適任立委?」
先說結論:
1.青年人不出聲,就會被長輩和非原民代言,我們的民主緩慢,還再在努力爬上能夠說話的位置。關於政治,我們說也被罵,不說也被罵。不想再聽到「不要談政治」這句話。原住民族其實最沒有餘裕可以這麼說,有些族人或許就是受過的傷越大讓你越無力而放棄反抗。
2.「原住民族親藍(支持國民黨)」的說法是一種錯誤且有害的刻板迷思。過度簡化原住民政治的複雜,掩蓋真正的關鍵因素 — —也就是誰長期在部落深耕在地關係。與其每逢選舉時才訴諸情感或政治操作,我們更應該優先考慮的是:如何為地方帶來長期、有意義的投入與公共參與。真正的改變,不是只靠政治人物或淺層的認同呼籲,而是穩定的在地、草根參與及彼此尊重的政治合作。
希望邀請社會大眾真正傾聽原住民族的聲音,不要再以刻板、落後的眼光看待原住民的政治選舉制度。事實上,許多原住民社群並未真正受到任何一個主要政黨的深度支持。尤其在民進黨推自家原住民候選人時,有未投入足夠的資源與人力的狀況。
若我們希望打破目前原住民選區長期由親藍候選人主導的局面,那麼民進黨,甚至任何具有進步理念的力量,都必須真正扶植與培養具有在地連結、關心原民社群、認同主體性的原住民候選人。否則,所有的改革訴求,都將只是表面文章,無法撼動根本原住民部落或行政區緊密的結構。
3.為什麼原住民不出來罷免?因為選制不允許我們這麼做。若原住民選制從不改變。不去「打破山平原」框架,不修改以「山地原住民」、「平地原住民」區分原民選票的狀況,會使得原住民族罷免時的門檻比非原民更高。所以當大罷免風潮來襲,突然冒出很多「非原民罷免倡議士」大喊「罷免高金素梅」時,我是感到非常尷尬的,雖然開心卻又五味雜陳。所以我後來的思考就是,希望非原民能先罷免不適任的非原民立委。
作為一位原住民文學作家,其實我們的聲音從來不大,作為一位青年作家,更是如此,所以我從來都知道自己應該要走自己的路。當長輩在跟我們說不要談政治的時候,我聽到的是不要談只有藍綠的政治,所以我還是書寫我自己想說的話,一直到現在,即使仍舊沒有原住民文學專屬的刊物、平台支撐我們這個世代,原民青年仍舊以自己的方式在完成自己的文學脈絡。因此,在政治意識上,我不僅不希望自己被非原民代言,更不想被長輩代言,出來發聲是必要的,我作為一位臺灣原住民的後代,我反對中國意識代言原住民立委,我同意罷免臺灣任何的不適任立委,例如影響花東發展的「傅崐萁、黃建賓」。包含未來原住民族的選制修正後,我提倡罷免傾中的「高金素梅、鄭天財、黃仁、盧縣一」。
大罷免行動,是一種因緣俱足。疫情過後又經歷了預算被隨意刪凍的狀況,其實不只是影響到非原民。《原住民組織法》的修改、原民會的預算被刪減也是首當其衝受害的是原住民職員,一些發展中的原住民族教育、文化發展的計畫案、部落的建設。從整體預算規模來看,在國民立委提案凍結原民會高達70%的業務費,金額超過5億元,並針對族語教會、南島民族論壇推動、政策宣導等項目進行全數凍結與刪除。這樣的操作,不僅令人質疑其政策評估依據,更暴露出臺灣政治人物對原住民族議題的漠視與不平衡,高金素梅的鬥爭性大於原住民族的公民利益。
作為一位原住民族阿美族的後代子孫,同時我的父親是非原民,所以我也是一位臺灣人,我經常在思考臺灣社會的人們需要有「橋梁」的概念在,橋梁的意義是交流,而不是要促進族群融合,透過橋梁分隔兩地但不失交流,各自獨立、交流成長的狀態,這才是多族群國家健康的狀態。所以在族群教育與文化思考上,尊重以及權力的實質平等,就是需要民主進步的社會去努力思考的。
有些議題正在與大罷免互相影響藍綠及中間選民的看法,這些看法都會影響原住民族權益未來的發展。所以為此,我也必須發出為我母系血緣這一邊的故鄉長濱輸出一些聲音,綠電在東岸開發的議題,我的看法是絕對不同意政府再度如杉原灣案(美麗灣)漠視民意,配合私人企業在依靠觀光事業的東部沿岸長濱 — 成功一帶上種電種種滿風車。鄰近的大武鄉、下賓朗部落也正受以開發之名行侵略之實的殘害。
我經常認為作為一位原住民後代,為什麼祖先從未對台灣有過國家級的歷史罪孽,但自其他政權佔領了祖先的家園以後,我們就不斷受制於非我們族群組成的歷代政府,以及他們與敵國之間的戰爭、國際地位的不穩定所牽連。
當國家使用強制的力量使得族人在生活上諸多的限制、規矩、文化宰制。不只是文化消逝,後代更因此受到歧視,現在的法律仍然沒有給予族人完整的人權保障,沒有「反族群仇恨」相關法律的臺灣,落後於其他民主國家。兩公約擺在國際高閣,號稱亞洲國家中名列前茅的臺灣還沒有相應的法律。
只佔臺灣人口2%多的原住民族,從過去人類學的9族、16族分類到現今平埔族群的被看見,當那些後代真正走入社會的時候,坎坷的路有多種情形,攤開在台灣各地的歷史中。我們何時有真正的文化、心理安全,能夠置外於非原民的社會?就連在政治上仍然因為選制,我們並沒有真正充分的選擇權,能夠選擇自己所要的路,一再被牽制於台灣和中國的鬥爭、政黨的角力,使得原住民的聲音、政策、資源,從公部門到學校、家庭,我們並沒有真正的獲得完整的權力,以及歷史的轉型正義、族群的友善環境,我們的認同、不認同都總是抹有汙名。
2014年三一八學運(太陽花運動)時期,我看見原住民族青年陣線的原民青年衝進立法院以及參與發聲的消息,讓我思考到三件事情。「原住民青年也可以參與不純粹屬於原住民的社會運動」、「改變社會的大小運動中必須有原住民的聲音」,以及「文學可以是一種政治行動」。這在巴奈與那布駐紮「凱道部落」時,讓我更加深信。
在2020年以後,我開始跟著Lumaq露瑪恪的老闆Savungaz Valincinan、Yuli Ciwa等人一起為原住民族權益發聲。正好在4月2日「筆桿接力罷免到底 — — 臺灣文學作家連署聲明記者會」的前幾日,3月28日的時候,我隨著原住民族青年陣線Savungaz Valincinan、Yuli Ciwas和一群原住民教會牧師、原住民族各族族群代表、族人以及NGO夥伴,一同站在立法院前呼籲藍白立委停止毀憲亂政。原住民族政治並非藍藍鐵板一塊,只是需要有人持續去撼動它。
當時曾任原住民族委員會主委的Yohani Isqaqavut尤哈尼.伊斯卡卡夫特說過一段話:「臺灣原住民自古以來是住在這塊土地上的主人,不是中國的一部分。我們是樂意分享的民族,歡迎願意尊重土地的任何人與我們同住。但不容許不尊重、意圖侵犯原住民族家園的侵略者。」抵抗中共,守護臺灣,是每一個在臺灣土地上生活的人共同的責任。
回顧最初,Temu Suyen黃璽邀請我加入筆桿接力,因而在記者會親眼見到很多以前在網路上才看見的同輩作家。經由Talum Ispalidav顏恔賢的協助共筆記者會發言稿,且受到Yohani Isqaqavut尤哈尼.伊斯卡卡夫特發言、Savungaz Valincinan從立法院到街頭上的奮鬥、歌手楊舒雅在性別議題上的能量勃發所激勵,讓我感受到「世代」、「主流」不該是一種阻礙不同族群倡議民主的枷鎖。
出版詩集《在我身體裡的那座山Talatokosay A Kapah》快半年後,我參與了「#筆桿接力罷免到底」更沒有想過自己的文章〈Kakacawan的星期六回收日〉會被收錄進《為什麼相信文學有力量?:筆桿接力.創作發聲45選》這本談論「作家支持大罷免」的書籍裡。www.books.com.tw/pro...
如果臺灣社會真的重視民主並正視轉型正義,或所謂有意想往去除殖民遺毒去走,那我們都不該成為面向與思想越來越一致的極權,而是文化認知、政治思想將越來越細緻、多元交織的國民。
多民族社會的民主實踐路上「沒有人是局外人」,原住民從來沒有缺席。
不只是大罷免,也希望大家關注原民權力仍然在被掠奪,尤其是原鄉土地、資源、文化的主體性問題。希望大罷免成為一些朋友願意參與民主的開始。
“As an Indigenous and as a Youth, why am I willing to advocate for the Great Recall of Inappropriate Legislators ?”
By Cidal
Hello everyone! I am Yen Yi-Sheng, my Amis name is CIDAL.
I have worked as an assistant in Indigenous social sustainability and cultural mental health programs, and as a program script planner at Indigenous Television.
I am also a writer, an Amis language learner, a reader of Indigenous literature, and a member of Indigenous youth groups.
I have published a poetry collection titled The Mountain in My Body Talatokosay A Kapah and several co-authored books.
Without full-time jobs for several months, I have been busy preparing speeches, literature camps,writing creative project draft,commissioned articles, and related reading, while also continuously observing Taiwan's current social conditions.
Regarding "As an Indigenous and as a Youth, why am I willing to advocate for the Great Recall of Inappropriate Legislators ?" Let me state my conclusions first:
1. If young people don't speak up, we will be spoken for by elders and non-Indigenous peoples. Our democracy progresses so slowly that we are still struggling to climb up to positions where we can yarn our voices. Regarding politics, we get criticized whether we speak or not. I don't want to hear "don't talk politics" anymore. Indigenous peoples actually have the least luxury to say this - some Indigenous communities may have been so deeply hurt that they become powerless and give up resistance.
2. "Indigenous peoples are really blue (pro-KMT)" is a stereotypical stigma. Many issues actually stem from who has cultivated local areas longer. We should strive to bring substantial change to local communities, rather than governance through emotional manipulation. I want to invite wilder audience to better understand Indigenous’voices and stop viewing Indigenous politics and electoral systems through stereotypes. Most of the time, the DPP do not put both human and financial resources into Indigenous elections, even with their own candidates. (Without cultivating more Indigenous DPP or independent Taiwan-oriented Indigenous candidates, how can we break the current situation dominated by blue (KMT) representatives?)
3. Why don't Indigenous peoples come out to recall? Because the electoral system doesn't allow us to do so. If the Indigenous electoral system never changes, if we don't "break the mountain-plains framework" and don't modify the situation where Indigenous votes are divided by "mountain Indigenous" and "plains Indigenous," the threshold for Indigenous to recall will be higher than for non-Indigenous peoples. So, when the great recall wave came and many "non-Indigenous recall advocates" suddenly emerged shouting "recall Ciwas Ali ", I felt awkward - happy yet with mixed feelings. So, my later thinking was to hope that non-Indigenous peoples would first recall inappropriate non-Indigenous legislators.
As an Indigenous writer, our voices have never been loud, and as a young writer, even less so. I've always known I should walk my own path. When elders tell us “not to talk politics”, what I hear is “don't talk about politics that's only blue-green”, so I still write what I want to say. Even now, despite still lacking Indigenous literature-specific publications and platforms to support our generation, Indigenous youth continue to develop our own literary context within our ways. Therefore, politically, I not only don't want to be represented by those who are non-Indigenous, I also don't want to be spoken for by elders. Speaking out is necessary. As a descendant of Taiwan's Indigenous peoples, I oppose Indigenous legislators who advocate for CCP ideology. I agree with recalling any inappropriate legislators in Taiwan, such as Fu Kun-chi (傅崐萁) and Huang Chien-pin (黃建賓) who affect Hualien-Taitung’s development. After future modifications to the Indigenous electoral system, I advocate recalling pro-China Ciwas Ali (高金素梅), Sra Kacaw (鄭天財), Kin Cyang (黃仁), and Sasuyu Ruljuwan (盧縣一).
The Great Recall Movement is a convergence of causes and conditions. After the pandemic and experiencing arbitrary budget cuts and freezes, it actually affects not just non-Indigenous peoples. Modifications to the "Indigenous peoples Organization Act" and cuts to the Council of Indigenous peoples' budget primarily harm Indigenous staff, various developing Indigenous education and cultural development projects, and tribal construction. From the overall budget scale, KMT legislators proposed freezing up to 70% of the Council of Indigenous peoples' operational expenses, exceeding 500 million NT dollars, and completely freezing and eliminating items like tribal language churches, Austronesian Forum promotion, and policy advocacy. Such operations not only raise questions about their policy evaluation basis but also expose Taiwan politicians' neglect and imbalance regarding Indigenous issues. Ciwas Ali 's combativeness exceeds Indigenous peoples' civic interests.
As a descendant of the Indigenous Amis people, and with my father being non-Indigenous,I am also a Taiwanese. I often think about how people in Taiwanese society need the concept of "bridges" - bridges that facilitate exchange,not ethnic integration. Through bridges, two sides remain separate while maintaining exchange, each maintaining independence while growing through interaction. This is the healthy state for a multi-ethnic nation. Therefore, in ethnic education and cultural thinking, respect and substantive equality of rights are what a democratically progressive society needs to strive to consider.
Some issues are currently influencing blue-green and swing voters' views in relation to the Great Recall Movement,and these views will affect the future development of Indigenous rights. For this reason,I must also speak out for my maternal hometown of Changbin,expressing some voices. Regarding green energy development on the east coast,my view is that I absolutely disagree with the government once again ignoring public opinion as in the Shanyuan Bay case (Formosa Bay),cooperating with private enterprises to install solar panels and wind turbines along the tourism-dependent eastern coastal area of Changbin-Chenggong. The nearby Palangoe (Dawu Township) and Pinaski tribes are also suffering from what amounts to aggression disguised as development.
I often wonder why,as an Indigenous descendant,our ancestors never committed any national-level historical crimes against Taiwan,yet since other regimes occupied our ancestors' homeland,we have been continuously subject to successive governments not composed of our ethnic groups,and dragged into their wars with enemy nations and the instability of their international status.
When the state uses coercive force to impose numerous restrictions,rules,and cultural domination on Indigenous communities' lives,not only does culture disappear,but descendants suffer discrimination as a result. Current laws still do not provide complete human rights protection for Indigenous communities. Taiwan,without "anti-ethnic hatred" related laws,lags behind other democratic countries. The two covenants remain on international shelves,while Taiwan, supposedly ranking among the top Asian countries,still lacks corresponding legislation.
Indigenous peoples,comprising only about 2% of Taiwan's population,from the past anthropological classifications of 9 tribes,then 16 tribes,to today's recognition of Plains Indigenous groups - when those descendants truly enter society,the difficult paths take various forms, spread throughout Taiwan's history. When will we have true cultural and safety,able to exist outside non-Indigenous society? Even politically, due to the electoral system,we don't have truly adequate choices to select our own path,constantly constrained by the struggle between China and Taiwan and party politics. This means that Indigenous voices,policies,and resources - from government agencies to schools and families - we haven't truly obtained complete power,historical transitional justice,or friendly ethnic environments. Our identity and non-identity are always tainted with stigma.
During the 2014 318 Movement (Sunflower Movement),I saw news of Indigenous youth from the Indigenous Youth Front (原住民族青年鎮陣) storming the Legislative Yuan and participating in speaking out,which made me think about three things:
1. Indigenous youth can also participate in social movements that aren't purely Indigenous.
2. Indigenous voices must be present in movements large and small that change society.
3. Literature can be a form of political action."This became even more firmly believed when Panai and Nabu camped at "Ketagalan Boulevard Tribe."
After 2020, I began speaking out for Indigenous rights alongside Lumaq's boss Savungaz Valincinan,Yuli Ciwas, and others. Just a few days before the April 2nd action "From Pen to Pen, Recall to the End - Taiwan Literary Writers' Joint Statement Press Conference," on March 28th,I stood with Indigenous Youth Front's Savungaz Valincinan,Yuli Ciwa,and a group of Indigenous church pastors,representatives from various Indigenous tribes,Indigenous communities,and NGO partners in front of the Legislative Yuan,calling on blue-white legislators to stop undermining the constitution and disrupting governance. Indigenous politics is not a monolithic blue bloc - it just needs people to continuously shake it up.
Former Council of Indigenous peoples Chairperson Yohani Isqaqavut once said: "Taiwan's Indigenous peoples have been the masters of this land since ancient times,not part of China. We are a people willing to share, welcoming anyone who respects the land to live with us. But we will not tolerate disrespectful aggressors who intend to violate Indigenous homeland." Therefore,Resisting the People's Republic of China and protecting Taiwan is the shared responsibility of everyone living on Taiwan's land.
Looking back to the beginning,Temu Suyen (黃璽) invited me to join the “From Pen to Pen,Recall to the End”,and at the press conference I met in person many peer writers I had only seen online before. Through Talum Ispalidav's(顏恔賢)assistance in co-writing the press conference speech,and inspired by Yohani Isqaqavut's speech,Savungaz Valincinan's struggle from the Legislative Yuan to the streets,and energetic outburst on gender issues of singer Yang Shu-ya (楊舒雅), I felt that "generation" and "mainstream" should not be shackles preventing different ethnic groups from advocating for democracy.
Nearly half a year after publishing my poetry collection The Mountain in My Body Talatokosay A Kapah,I participated in “From Pen to Pen,Recall to the End ”and never imagined that my article "Kakacawan's Saturday Recycling Day" would be included in the book Why Believe Literature Has Power? Pen Relay Creative Voices - 45 Selected Works,which discusses "writers supporting the great recall."
If Taiwanese society truly values democracy and transitional justice,or has intentions of removing colonial toxins,then we should not become increasingly uniform in our orientation and thinking toward authoritarianism,but rather become citizens with increasingly nuanced and diversely interwoven culture and political thought.
On the path of democratic practice in a multi-ethnic society, "No one is an outsider". Indigenous peoples have never been absent.
Not only regarding the Great Recall,I also hope everyone will pay attention to how Indigenous rights are still being plundered, especially issues of subjectivity regarding Indigenous homeland,resources,and culture. I hope the Great Recall will become the beginning of some people’s willingness to participate in democracy.
726 823大罷免大成功!!



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